Showing posts with label Dorchester Company. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dorchester Company. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 18, 2020

24. Roger Conant on Cape Ann Part III: Conant at Naumkeag and Salem Village




Roger Conant on Cape Ann
Part III: Conant at Naumkeag and Salem Village
By Mary Ellen Lepionka, February 2020

In 1626 Roger Conant led a small number of Dorchester Company survivors and their rescuers from Fisherman’s Field on Cape Ann to the Pawtucket village of Naumkeag (Nahumkeak), 12 miles southwest in present-day North Beverly, Massachusetts. There they established a settlement abutting the Native village, and they named it Salem Village, based on shalom, an Old Testament term for peace and harmony. In subsequent forays they disassembled their meetinghouse on Fisherman’s Field and carried the framing timbers and boards to Salem Village, where it was re-erected as Roger Conant’s dwelling place. Legend has it that in 1628 the structure was disassembled again and carried across the Danvers River to Salem as a temporary residence for John Endecott (Endicott), who was sent to relieve Conant as governor of Rev. John White’s New England Company. The Endicott house, purportedly built of the Dorchester Company meetinghouse oak timbers brought from England, was at the corner of present-day Washington and Church Streets in present-day Salem and was torn down in 1895.[1]

Endicott set about moving the village seat from Beverly to Salem, surveying Cape Ann for a new plantation, and acquiring land and resources from the Indians, including bog iron sites and native copper mines. As waves of new Puritans arrived in Salem, beginning with the Francis Higginson Fleet of 1629, Conant and the other first settlers who had bought or leased land directly from the Indians came to be known as the “Old Planters”. The Old Planters included Dorchester Company settlers from Cape Ann, Roger Conant’s rescue party, a few ex-Plymouth entrepreneurs, and refugees from other failed colonies, such as Ferdinando Gorges’ Wessagusset and Robert Gorges’ Weymouth, south of Boston, which had been attacked by the Wampanoag and abandoned.[2]



Recreation of “First House” at Pioneer Village in Salem, Mass.

A historical marker for the “First House”, referring to the Dorchester company’s meetinghouse,  apparently was removed from Fisherman’s Field at some time in the past and is now in a Department of Public Works shed in Gloucester, Mass. The specific original location of the meetinghouse is unknown. Transported to Salem Village, it probably looked like the historical photo of the First Church in Salem on Essex Street, dating to a slightly later period. In 1639 Roger Conant himself signed the contract to have that meetinghouse enlarged to become the First Church in Salem.[3]






First Church in Salem

In 1898 a descendant, Thomas Conant, had a watercolor made of Roger Conant’s home in Salem, based on a written description in the Conant Family Association archives in Beverly. The houses of Conant’s only surviving son, Exercise Conant, his daughters, and those of other first settlers still stand in Beverly and Salem, and early houses of several Conant descendants survive in other New England towns.





Note that the legend for the picture of Conant’s house is incorrect. Conant was never actually referred to as a governor and Mass. Bay Colony did not officially exist before 1630.




Exercise Conant’s House






Earliest Map of Salem Village in North Beverly




Planters Path







Balch Map of Salem Village (“Ancient Beverly”) in the 17th Century




John Balch House, 448 Cabot St., Beverly, Mass.
Note that the historic marker is incorrect. Dendrochronological analysis dates this house to 1679.







Salem Village in 1692 after John Endicott relocated it to the Salem Side of the River. The “Old Planters” were in Beverly and Royal Side.


On March 19, 1627, Rev. John White’s New England Company obtained a patent from the New England Council for a grant “of some lands in Massachusetts Bay” to “gentlemen of blood”. “Some lands” ran from the Merrimack River to Boston Bay and from coast to coast:
“All the lands laying between parallels three miles north of "a greate river there commonlie call Monomack alias Merriemack," and three miles south of "a certen other river there, callled Charles river, being in the bottome of a certayne bay there, commonlie called Massachusetts, alias Mattachuestte, alias Massatusetts Bay... from the Atlantick and westerne sea and ocean on the east parte, to the south sea on the west parte."

The “gentlemen of blood” were:
Sir Henry Rosewell, Somerset, high sheriff of Devon
Sir John Yonge, Colyton, Devon
Thomas Southcote, Mohuns Ottery, Devon
John Humfry (Humphrey), treasurer of the old Dorchester Company Adventurers
Simon Whetcombe, Sherborne, a wealthy cloth-worker
John Endicott, Devon, a soldier, governor for White’s patent in New England

Of these, other than Endicott, only Humfry and Whetcombe came to New England. In 1629 the New England Company morphed into the Massachusetts Bay Company, and in 1630 the Company sent John Winthrop to replace Endicott as governor. Winthrop promptly moved the seat of government from Salem to Charlestown with ports at Dorchester and Roxbury, all part of present-day Boston. Both Endicott and Conant continued in the Salem branch of the government, swapping out or rotating roles according to the Company’s rules for terms of office. In the Company’s charter, Charles I had unaccountably granted it the ability to be self-governing, a dangerous precedent for a colonial power, and perhaps the earliest benchmark in the history of the American Revolution. The autonomous, self-governing body of stockholders met as an assembly called the General Court, which chose a governor, deputy governor, and 18 assistants to administer the colony. It’s not hard to see this legal precedent for autonomous self-rule as the real beginning of American independence.[4]

The Massachusetts Bay Company charter abrogated all prior claims, including Ferdinando Gorges’ and John Mason’s King’s Grant, and Plymouth’s Sheffield Patent. The King’s Grant boundaries were later reduced to all the northern land between the Merrimack and the Kennebec rivers, which Gorges and Mason later divided between them, essentially founding the states of New Hampshire and Maine. Meanwhile, however, Plymouth Colony and Maine both got folded into the new Massachusetts Bay colony. Also abrogated were all prior claims to land! Immediately, the rights of the Old Planters came into dispute, for in 1632 the General Court declared that all land previously purchased directly from the Indians now belonged to the General Court and would be redistributed to new settlers at its pleasure. Any claim to land without the Court’s approval was null and void. Governor Winthrop even sent his son, John Winthrop Jr., with a “posse” to begin evicting “squatters” in Ipswich.[5]

A panic ensued among first comers, who flooded the General Court with petitions to be allowed to keep at least the land they were living on. Some, such as William Jeffreys (Jeffries) from the failed colony at Weymouth, lost all their original land holdings. Jeffreys lost land in Ipswich and Manchester-by-the-Sea (Jeffreys Creek, Jeffreys Neck, and Jeffreys Ledge—a fishing bank) that he had purchased from the Pawtucket sagamore at Agawam, Masconomet (Masquenominet). The General Court compensated Jeffreys and other men of rank with grants of other lands on the frontiers. Other petitioners were granted permission to keep only the lands they lived on and “manured”, often on the condition that they establish a township or proprietorship or incorporate as a town.[6]

In a long and impassioned letter called “Planters Plea”, Rev. John White beseeched the General Court to allow the Old Planters in Salem Village to keep the property they had bought from the Indians at Naumkeag, and in 1635 they were granted 1,000 acres. The General Court insisted that the Indians be paid for their lands, “so as to avoid the least scruple of intrusion.” Ultimately, in 1700 and 1701 all the towns in Essex County repurchased quitclaim deeds to their lands from the surviving grandchildren of the sachems and sagamores who had signed the original deeds.[7]






The Old Planters Grant of 1,000 acres in 1635


In 1630 Roger Conant was made a freeman and a voting stockholder of the Massachusetts Bay Company. The next year he left Salem to form a trading company with Peter Palfrey and others (Anthony Dike, Francis Johnson), who went into business together to operate a fur trading post “for traffic in furs, with a truck house at the eastward” (Blue Point, Maine, part of Massachusetts at the time). That enterprise established, Conant returned to become a key figure in the new government, representing Salem in the General Court. He was several times elected Selectman, served on the juries of quarterly courts and courts of assistants, and oversaw surveys establishing the boundaries of land grants and towns.[8]

The newcomers to Salem and Cape Ann were not fishermen and traders from the West Country, but farmers and merchants from other parts of England, principally Bristol in Gloucestershire, Gravesend in Kent, East Anglia, and Yorkshire. (In 1668 the Old Planters Grant was set off from Salem as Beverley (Beverly), named after the Yorkshire town from which the newcomers there had come.) Predictably, conflicts arose between original settlers and newcomers, who were more concerned with acquiring land than with maintaining harmony with the resident Native people. The General Court began a program of assimilation, beginning by mandating that fences be built around Indians’ cornfields and clam flats to protect them from colonists’ free-ranging cattle and hogs. Then came Christianization and the establishment of “Praying Indian” towns. Native population loss in the first smallpox epidemic of 1633 and the first armed conflict in 1636 (the Pequot War in southern New England) aided the more aggressive displacement of Native people that followed.[9]

On March 8, 1644, in exchange for the right to bear arms, the ability to keep enough land for their own sustenance, and English protection against their Native enemies, the Pawtucket, Massachuset, Nipmuc, and Pennacook signed an oath of allegiance to the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The oath was witnessed in the Circuit Court at Salem by governor John Winthrop and the Puritan cleric Richard Mather, who had landed at Cape Ann during the hurricane of 1635. The signers included Masconomet (Masquenomenit)—hereditary sagamore of Kwaskwaikikwen (Newbury), Agawam (Ipswich), Wanaskwiwam (Cape Ann), and Nahumkeak (Beverly-Salem); Cutchamakin of Neponset and Andover, brother of the late grand sachem Chickatawbut, lost in the smallpox epidemic of 1633; the grand sachem’s nephew Josias Chickatawbut of Nonantum (Newton, Brookline); Nashacowam of Nashua, New Hampshire, a Pennacook; Wassamagin of Wachuset, a Nipmuc; and Squaw Sachem, tributary to Passaconaway (Pappiseconewa) of the Pennacook and widow of Nanepashemet—late grand sachem of the Pawtucket Confederation of Abenakis. Squaw Sachem—her name was never recorded—had lost two of her three Christianized sons in the smallpox epidemic of 1633 and in 1639 had sold Cambridge, Watertown, Newton, Arlington, Somerville, and Charlestown to the English. She and her surviving son, Wenepoykin (disfigured by smallpox and known to the English as George No-Nose and later as George Rumney-Marsh) soon also sold the land that became Lynn, Saugus, Revere, Medford, Wakefield, Woburn, Stoneham, and Winchester. They all threw in their lot with Passaconaway, who himself appeared in the Circuit Court at Salem the following year to add his signatory mark to the Oath of 1644.


Towns in Essex and Middlesex counties created from lands purchased from Native leaders prior to 1644.


The Native leaders had to swear that they "voluntarily & without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, put ourselves, our subjects, Lands, and estates under the Government and [will be] protected by them according to their just laws." They also had to swear to accept certain conditions, expressed in the following nine questions. Richard Mather recorded their answers.

1. Will you worship the only true God, who made heaven and earth, and not blaspheme?
Ans: "We do desire to reverence the God of the English and to speak well of Him, because we see He doth better to the English, than other gods do to others."

2. Will you cease from swearing falsely?
Ans: "We know not what swearing is.

3. Will you refrain from working on the Sabbath, especially within the bounds of Christian towns?
Ans: "It is easy to us, — we have not much to do any day, and we can well rest on that day."

4. Will you honor your parents and all your superiors?
Ans: "It is our custom to do so, — for inferiors to honor superiors."

5. Will you refrain from killing any man without just cause and just authority?
Ans: "This is good, and we desire so to do."

6. Will you deny yourselves fornication, adultery, incest, rape, sodomy, buggery, or bestiality?
Ans [after some explanation]: "Though some of our people do these things occasionally, yet we count them naught and do not allow them."

7. Will you deny yourselves stealing?
Ans: "We say the same to this as to the 6th question."

8. Will you allow your children to learn to read the word of God, so that they may know God aright and worship him in his own way?
Ans: "We will allow this as opportunity will permit, and, as the English live among us, we desire so to do."

9. Will you refrain from idleness? 
Ans: "We will."

To seal the deal, the six sagamores and sachems paid 26 fathoms of wampum (that amounts to a minimum of 6,240 shell beads, roughly 624 colonial dollars in value), essentially buying protection by paying tribute. Wampum was legal tender in Mass. Bay Colony at that time (until 1661) for both colonists and Indians. In turn, each “chief” was given two yards of red woolen cloth and a pot of wine. The Puritan ministers wrote home to England that a new age of spreading the gospel among the Indians had begun. And the Indians went home with the news that a new age of coexistence had begun under the justice of English laws.[10]

But after 1650 that justice was not to be had, culminating in the Wampanoag uprising of 1675, known as King Philip’s War, after which the Massachusetts Bay Colony periodically sanctioned efforts to exterminate the Native people. Several hundred colonists had arrived on the eleven ships of the Winthrop Fleet, inaugurating what became known as the Great Migration (which included two of my ancestors, Ralph Hemenway, who landed at Roxbury in 1633, and John Perham, who landed at Charlestown in 1634). By 1640 the estimated population of New England had risen spectacularly from fewer than 500 colonists to more than 26,000. Native people were overwhelmed, as were some Old Planters. First comers who wanted more elbow room, or who did not want to live under close scrutiny of the strict new Puritan regime, eloped to fishing settlements and trading camps on the frontiers, along with Native escapees, runaway African slaves (introduced in Massachusetts in 1638), and various nonconformists, miscreants, and religious and ethnic minorities being “warned out” of Plymouth, Salem, and Charlestown. Before the seventeenth century’s end, even before the witchcraft hysteria of the 1690s, the regional cultures of North America were already in the making.[11]




NOTES AND REFERENCES




[1] Adams, Herbert B. The Fisher Plantation of Cape Anne, 1882. Part I of The Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem, Historical Collections of the Essex Institute: 19. (Salem, MA); Gannon, Fred A., n. d., Roger Conant and the Fishing Station of 1626  In Some Starts of Industry and Commerce in Old Salem. Salem, MA: J. N Simard; O’Leary, Tom (GIS Director, Southern Essex Registry of Deeds, Salem, MA). 2002. Ancient Indian Trails and Canoe Routes of Essex County; Phippen, George D. Of Salem before 1628, Essex Institute Historical Collections 1: 97, 185; Young, Alexander. 1846, Chronicles of the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1623-1636, Volumes 41 and 49. Boston, MA: C. C. Little and J. Brown; Phippen, George D. Biographical sketch of Roger Conant. Essex Institute Historical Collections: 1: 145. See Frederick Conant’s 1877 History and Genealogy of the Conant Family in England and America (http://www.archive.org/details/historygenealogy00cona). See also Hubbard, William. 1815. A General history of New England: from the discovery to 1680. Volume 5 of Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston, MA: Hilliard & Metcalf (Hubbard interviewed Roger Conant); Webber, Carl and Winfield S. Nevins. 1877. Old Naumkeag: An Historical Sketch of the City of Salem, and the Towns of Marblehead, Peabody, Danvers, Wenham, Manchester, Topsfield, and Middleton. Salem, MA: A. A. Smith; New York Times. The. July 8, 1890. Boston, July 7. The Old Endicott House: An Ancient Landmark of Salem, Mass., Demolished.

[2] Winthrop, John. 1790. Journal of the transactions and occurrences in the settlement of Massachusetts and the other New-England colonies, from the year 1630 to 1644, written by John Winthrop ... and now first published from a correct copy of the original manuscript. Hartford, CT: Elisha Babcock; Endicott, Charles M. 1867. Memoir of John Endecott. Salem, MA.; “John Endecott, Puritan.” The New York Times, September 1, 1895; Phillips, James Duncan. 1933. The Landing of Endecott. Chapter IV in Salem in the Seventeenth Century. Boston: Houghton. Stewart, Marcia, ed. 1662; White, Rev. John. October 12, 1634. The Adventure for 1623-1628 in New England. Proceedings of the Court of Requests of Charles I, London; John White’s Planter’s Plea, 1630, printed in facsimile with an introduction by Marshall H. Saville, The Sandy Bay Historical Society Publications Volume I (Rockport, MA, 1930), p. 73-74; Higginson, Rev. Francis. 1629. New England’s Plantation: A Short and True Description of the Commodities and Discommodities of that Country. London (1630) The Winthrop Society: http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_higgin.php; Phineas Pratt’s Account of Wessagusset Plantation. Boston, MA: The Winthrop Society: http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_pratt.php Babson, John, History of the Town of Gloucester, Cape Ann: Including the Town of Rockport (1860), also his Notes and additions to the history of Gloucester…(1891): https://archive.org/details/notesadditionsto00babs. Sources for Ferdinando Gorges’ and John Mason’s claims and their suits in court include Gorges’ Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine: A Briefe Narration... (1658); America Painted to the Life…. (1659); and Letter relating to Maine, Essex Institute Historical Collections 7: 271 (1661). See also John Wingate Thornton, Colonial Schemes of Popham and Gorges. Speech given at the Fort Popham Celebration, August 29, 1862 (Maine Historical Society1863).

[3] Maverick, Samuel. 1660 (Reprinted 1885). A Briefe Description of New England and the Severall Townes Therein, Together with the Present Government Thereof. In New England Historical and Genealogical Register 39: 33-47; Raymond, Robert S. (Sidney Perley documents): Samuel Balch’s Map of ancient Beverly, 17th Century; Latham Map showing the location of the earliest houses in Beverly; also Peter Woodbury house, Balch house, Conant houses, Humphreys house, Prince house, and other historic photos: http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~raymondfamily/Beverly1700; Massachusetts Bay Colony Tercentenary Commission. 2009. Historical Markers Erected by the Massachusetts Bay Colony Tercentenary Commission (with texts revised by Samuel Eliot Morison: http://archive.org/details/historicalmarker00mass; Winthrop Society. The Residents of Salem, First Town of the Massachusetts Bay Commonwealth: From Original Records up to the Year 1651: http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_salem.php; Pierce, Richard, ed. 1974. The Records of the First Church in Salem, Massachusetts, 1629-1736. Salem: Essex Institute. See also the Salem Covenants of 1629 and 1635: https://www.apuritansmind.com/creeds-and-confessions/covenants-of-new-england/.

[4] Noble, John and John F. Cronin, eds. 1901 and 1904. Records of the Court of assistants of the colony of the Massachusetts Bay 1630-1692, Volumes I and II. Suffolk County, Boston, MA. Especially see Nathaniel Shurtleff’s 1853 Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay and General Court, Vol. I and Vol. II 1630-1649 (Massachusetts Archives); Frothingham, Richard. 1845. History of Charlestown, Massachusetts: https://archive.org/details/historyofcharles00froth; Winthrop, John. 1649 History of New England 1630-1649. James K. Hosmer, ed. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons; Clapp, Roger. 1630 (1844). Memoirs of Roger Clap (1609-1691). Boston, (Also by D. Clapp Jr. in Issue 1 of Collections of the Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society). Stone, Edward M. 1843. History of Beverly, Civil and Ecclesiastical, from its Settlement in 1630 to 1842. (Includes the 1680 depositions of William Dixy, Humphrey Woodbury, and Richard Brackenbury). Boston: James Munroe & Company; Tapley, Harriet Silvester. 1923. Chronicles of Danvers (Old Salem Village) 1632-1923. Danvers, MA: The Danvers Historical Society.

[5] Levett, Christopher. 1628. A Voyage into New England Begun in 1623 and Ended in 1624, Performed by Christopher Levett, his Majesties Woodward of Somersetshire, and one of the Councell of New-England. London: William Jones, for the Council of New England. See also Charles Pope’s 1908 Pioneers of Maine and New Hampshire 1623 to 1660. Joseph Felt, History of Ipswich, Essex, and Manchester (1966); D. F. Lamson, History of the Town of Manchester, Essex County, Massachusetts 1645-1895; and Gordon Abbott Jr., Jeffrey’s Creek: A Story of People, Places and Events in the Town That Came to Be Known as Manchester-By-The-Sea (2003); Stone, Edward M. 1843. History of Beverly, Civil and Ecclesiastical, from its Settlement in 1630 to 1842. (Includes the 1680 depositions of William Dixy, Humphrey Woodbury, and Richard Brackenbury). Boston: James Munroe & Company; Tapley, Harriet Silvester. 1923. Chronicles of Danvers (Old Salem Village) 1632-1923. Danvers, MA: The Danvers Historical Society.

[6] Sources for the story of William Jeffreys include Proceedings of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay, 1629-1686 (CT0-1700x); Early Records of the Kettle family of Salem (1690) in the Essex Institute Historical Collections 2: 256 and 4: 282; Early Records of the Allen family of Manchester in the Essex Institute Historical Collections 24: 223, 302; 25:44, 27: 31; and “William Jeffrey(s)” in the RootsWeb World Connect Project: Rehobeth:
http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=jbbullock&id=I31456. Sources for land disputes and their resolution following the sweeping reforms of 1630 include, in addition to the General Laws and cases in the records of the Court of Assistants, cited previously, Roy Agaki, The Town Proprietors of the New England Colonies: 27-124 (1963). See also "Records of land grants, division bounds, thatch lots, herbage lots and wood lots, and highway”, and “Minutes of meetings of Proprietors of Common Lands” in the Massachusetts Archives, Boston.

[7]John White’s Planter’s Plea, 1630, printed in facsimile with an introduction by Marshall H. Saville, The Sandy Bay Historical Society Publications Volume I (Rockport, MA, 1930), pp. 70-76.
The General Court’s appropriations and redistributions of lands are reported in Records of the Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England From 1628 to 1641 (Massachusetts Archives): http://archive.org/details/recordsofcompany00mass. For the Court’s grant to the Old Planters of Salem Village in response to White’s Planter’s Plea, and the 1635 map showing the grant boundaries, see Robert S. Raymond’s web site (2002): http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~raymondfamily/Beverly1700.
The principal source for Native American deeds and redeeds is the Southern Essex County Registry of Deeds in Salem, MA, with data based largely on Sidney Perley, The Indian Land Titles of Essex County, Massachusetts (1912). See the Registry’s comprehensive web site on Native American Deeds at http://www.nativeamericandeeds.com/. The Hawthorne in Salem “Main Street” web site also displays original deed-related documents and historical maps for Salem and environs at http://www.hawthorneinsalem.org/Literature/NativeAmericans&Blacks/MainStreet/OriginalDocuments.html. See also the Book of Indian Records for Their Lands (Massachusetts Historical Commission Archives, 1861). Useful articles include Peter Leavenworth, “The Best Title That Indians Can Claime”: National Agency and Consent in the Transferal of Penacook-Pawtucket Land in the 17th Century, in the New England Quarterly 72 (2, June 1999): 275-300; and Katherine Hermes, Justice Will Be Done Us: Algonquian Demands for Reciprocity in the Courts of European Settlers, in Christopher Tomlins, The Many Legalities of Early America (2001): 123-149. Another useful article, by James Springer, is American Indians and the Law of Real Property in Colonial New England, in The American Journal of Legal History 30 (1) (January 1986): 25-58.

[8] See Conant references in Note 1 and Joseph Felt’s Biographical sketch of John Endicott (Essex Institute Historical Collections 5:73, 8: 96, and 15: 298). For a roster of leaders, see Officers of the Massachusetts Bay Commonwealth 1630-1686: www.winthropsociety.com/doc_officers.php. The classic primary source is John Winthrop’s 1649 History of New England 1630-1649. See Felt, Joseph B., Annals of Salem, from Its First Settlement, Volume I (1827): https://archive.org/details/annalsofsalemfro00jose and Morison, Samuel Eliot. 1930 (Reprinted 2004). Builders of the Bay Colony. Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing.
Insight into Massachusetts Bay Colony governance may also be seen in General Laws of the Massachusetts Colony Revised and Published by Order of the General Court in October 1632 – Revised edition, November 1675: http://www.usingessexhistory.org/primarydocuments/institute07/princelaws.pdf, and Bibliographic sketch of the laws of the mass colony from 1630 (William Whitmore, 1890, P-665 Microfilm reel #37, Massachusetts Archives).

[9] Good relations between the Pawtucket and colonists at Naumkeag is attested by Hubbard; Edward Johnson in Wonder-Working Providence of Sions Saviour in New England (1654) and Good News from New England (1658); and William Wood in New England’s Prospect: A True, Lively, and Experimental Description of That Part of America, commonly called New England (1634): http://www.comity.org/Wood_NE_Prospect.htm. See also Herbert Adams, Origin of Salem Plantation and Old Depositions relating to Old Planters, Essex Institute Historical Collections 13: 136; 19: 153. John White’s discussion of newcomers versus Old Planters is in Planter’s Plea, 1630, reproduced by Marshall H. Saville, The Sandy Bay Historical Society Publications Volume I (Rockport, MA, 1930), pp. 79-84. For Native Americans in the Contact Period see Gookin, Daniel. Report of 1674 in Historical collections of the Indians of New England and their several nations, numbers, customs, manners, religion, and government before the English planted there (Massachusetts Historical Society Collections Paper 13): http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/sc_pubs/13/). For the Pequot War, see Lion Gardiner, Relation of the Pequot Warres (1660); and John Mason and Paul Royster, ed., Major Mason’s Brief History of the Pequot War (1736): http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/etas/42.

[10] The Oath of 1644 is referenced in several places: Nathaniel Shurtleff’s 1853 Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay and General Court, Vol. II 1642-1649 and Vol. III 1644-1657 (Massachusetts Archives); see also Indian, 1603-1705: Records detailing the interactions between the Massachusetts Bay government and native peoples in New England and New York. Boston, MA: Massachusetts Archive Collection Volume 30. Also Dow, George Francis, ed. 1911-1921. Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, Massachusetts (8 vols.), Volume 1 (Salem, Mass., Essex Institute). The original source is Mather, Richard. 1653. Tears of repentence: or, A further narrative of the progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New-England:….(London, Peter Cole). Richard Mather’s account of his voyage to Cape Ann in 1635 was reprinted in 1869 in Journal and Life of Richard Mather, 1596-1669, Collections of the Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society 3, Boston: David Clapp. Richard Mather was the father of Increase Mather and grandfather of Cotton Mather, also prominent Puritan clerics.

[11] Robert Charles Anderson, The Great Migration Begins: Immigrants to New England, 1620-1633, Vol. 1. For a perspective on the immigrants, see William Richard Cutter, ed. 1874 compendium, New England families, genealogical and memorial, 1915; The original lists of persons of quality; emigrants; religious exiles; political rebels; serving men sold for a term of years; apprentices; children stolen; maidens pressed; and others who went from Great Britain to the American Plantations, 1600-1700 with their ages and the names of the ships in which they embarked, and other interesting particulars, including John Hotten’s “Original Lists”: http://www.archive.org/stream/originallistsofp00hottuoft#page/n5/mode/2up. Also James Savage’s classic Genealogical Dictionary of the First Planters, in The New England Historical and Genealogical Register (1873) 27 (2); and Henry Waters’ The New England Historical and Genealogical Register (1882) 36: 45; 51; Frank Holmes’ Directory of Ancestral Heads of New England Families, 1620-1700 (1964); H. F. Andrews’ List of Freemen, Massachusetts Bay Colony 1630-1691, with the Freeman’s Oath (1906): https://archive.org/details/listoffreemenmas00andr. Woolworkers and weavers of the Great Migration tended to settle more heavily in Ipswich, Rowley, Georgetown, Newbury, and the interior of Essex County. See Thomas Gage, History of Rowley, Anciently including Bradford, Boxford and Georgetown for the Year 1639 to the Present Time (1840); Thomas Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Part I: Records and Dispositions of the Usurpation Period (1905); and John Currier, History of Newbury, Mass. 1635-1902 (1902). For insight on the Pilgrim and Puritan religious regimes, see William Bradford and Edward Winslow, Mourt’s Relation, or Journal of the Plantation at Plymouth (1622); Francis Bremer, The Puritan Experiment: New England Society from Bradford to Edwards (1996); and Bremer and Webster, eds., Puritans and Puritanism in Europe and America: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia (2006). For information on the Native American experience, see especially Gookin, Daniel, 1677 (Published 1836, reprinted 2003). Historical Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians in New England in the years 1670-1677 (Whitefish, Montana: Kessinger Publishing); Lepore, Jill, 1998, The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identity (New York: Vintage); Cogley, Richard W., 1999, Eliot’s Mission to the Indians Before King Philip’s War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press); Eames, Wilberforce, ed., 1915, John Eliot and the Indians 1652-1657: Letters Addressed to Rev. Jonathan Hanmer of Barnstaple, England (New York: Museum of the American Indian): https://archive.org/stream/cu31924104076884#page/n1/mode/2up; Eliot, John, 1671, Brief Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New England, in the Year 1670 (London: John Allen): http://www.bartleby.com/43/12.html; Fisher, Linford D., 2017, Why Shall Wee Have Peace to Bee Made Slaves: Indian Surrenderers During and After King Philip’s War, Ethnohistory 64 (1): 91-114; and Calloway, Colin, 1997, After King Philip’s War: Presence and Persistence in Indian New England. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England.

General Sources for the History of Essex County, Massachusetts:
See Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society and their Primary Sources Archive for Essex County History at http://www.usingessexhistory.org/primaryresources.shtml.
Secondary sources for the history of Essex County, Massachusetts: Fuess, Claude E., 1935, The Story of Essex County, Vol. I. (Phillips Academy, Andover, MA. New York: American Historical Society); Hough, Walter, 1888, History of Essex County, Massachusetts, Volume 2, Part 1; Tracy, Cyrus Mason, 1878, Standard History of Essex County, Massachusetts, embracing a history of the county for its first settlement to the present time…. (Boston: C. F. Jewett and Co.): https://archive.org/details/standardhistoryo00trac; and Hurd, Duane Hamilton. 1888. History of Essex County, Massachusetts: With Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent Men (Philadelphia, PA: J. W. Lewis & Co.).


© Mary Ellen Lepionka, 2020

Sunday, January 19, 2020

21. Roger Conant on Cape Ann Part I: The Dorchester Company

Continued from https://conant400.blogspot.com/2019/12/a-tale-of-two-museums-how-conant-400-is.html


Roger Conant on Cape Ann
Part I: The Dorchester Company
Mary Ellen Lepionka 12/3/2019


In 1622 some merchants in England’s West Country, whose ships sailed from Weymouth to fish on Newfoundland’s Grand Banks, decided to attempt a settlement on the coast of New England. They thought if they sent a double crew, they could leave some fishermen ashore with provisions for the winter to build a fishing station and start a plantation to support the next season’s fishing expedition. The merchants optimistically believed that while waiting for the fishing fleet to return in spring, the fishermen on shore could build stages and dwellings, cure fish, make salt, construct fish boxes and salt barrels, trap and trade with the Indians for furs, hunt for venison, and plant crops.[1]

The Reverend John White (1575-1648), a Puritan minister and rector of Holy Trinity Church, which still stands in  Dorchester, was captivated by this idea.[2] He believed such a colony would be an economic boon to England. Europe’s local fisheries had become depleted from overfishing while meeting demand for fish on Fridays when Roman Catholics abstained from eating meat.[3] More than that, a Puritan colony in New England would be a refuge for church reformers as well as for colonists who wanted to escape the rigid separatism of the Pilgrims at Plymouth Colony, established in 1620. Pilgrims tended to be anti-royalist and wanted to break away from the Church of England. They were intolerant of Puritans, who tended to defend the monarchy and merely sought to reform the way the state religion was being conducted.[4] Such  differences contributed ultimately to the English Civil War (1641-1651), which had significant impacts on England’s American colonies.

White promoted the idea for a colony in New England among his family, friends, parishioners, colleagues, local merchants, and Sir Walter Earle [Erle], a knight and sheriff of Dorset and also a parishioner and friend. The merchants were represented by Richard Bushrod—a Dorchester haberdasher and mercer interested in furs for his hats and outerwear, and a parishioner in White’s Holy Trinity Church.[5] In February 1622 Bushrod obtained a fishing license for the merchants from the Council of New England and requested permission to search for a site for a colony in New England, and in February 1623, the Council granted a patent, or indenture, to Sir Walter Earle to that end.[6] Unbeknownst to them, in its haste to establish a Puritan foothold in the New World, the Council at the same time granted a duplicate patent to merchants represented by Lord Sheffield. Sheffield promptly and without permission sold his claim to Plymouth, however, rendering it invalid. (Governor Bradford later complained that White’s “adventurers” had robbed him of Cape Ann because of Sheffield’s “useless patent”.) [7]

White’s merchant associates purchased a 50-ton fishing vessel, the Fellowship, which sailed for New England in the summer of 1623. It arrived too late in the season for productive fishing but left fourteen men and provisions on Cape Ann, on the northern coast of what would later become Massachusetts Bay Colony. They landed on a point of land at the western end of a natural harbor, today’s Stage Fort Park on Gloucester Harbor, and set up camp there on Fishermen’s Field, where resident Pawtucket came to fish. The 14 Englishmen sheltered in the Indians’ wigwams. There is no record of who they were, but the event is immortalized in a bronze plaque on “Tablet Rock”, a plutonic outcrop at the site. Meanwhile, the other crew eventually found fish on Stellwagen Bank in Massachusetts Bay but returned too late to their market in Seville, Spain, to get a good price for their catch. According to White [8], the first season ended in the red:

The first imployment then of this new raised Stocke, was in buying a small Ship of fiftie tunnes, which was with as much speed as might be dispatched towards New-England vpon a Fishing Voyage: the charge of which Ship with a new sute of sayles and other provisions to furnish her, amounted to more then three hundred pound. Now by reason the Voyage was undertaken too late; shee came at least a moneth or six weekes later then the rest of the Fishing-Shippes, that went for that Coast; and by that meanes wanting Fish to make up her lading, the Master thought good to passe into Mattachusets bay, to try whether that would yeeld him any, which he performed, and speeding there, better then he had reason to expect: having left his spare men behind him in the Country at Cape Ann, he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spaine, and so home. The charge of this Voyage, with provision for foureteene spare men left in the Countrey, amounted to above eight hundred pound, with the three hundred pound expended vpon the Shippe, mentioned before. And the whole provenue (besides the Ship which remained to us still) amounted not to above two hundred pound; So the expence above the returne of that voyage came to 600 li and vpwards.

With men on Cape Ann to resupply, Earle and White then met in March 1624 in Dorchester to set up a joint-stock company to organize and fund the venture. The “Dorchester Company Adventurers” consisted originally of 119 investors, including five women of means, who each paid £25 per share. Stockholders’ names and stories are on record.[9] The Company’s fund from the sale of stock came to around £3,000. They purchased two more vessels, the Amytie [Amity] as a supply boat and coaster, and a 140-ton Flemish fly-boat called Zouch Phoenix to carry colonists and cattle. Additional decks had to be added to the fly-boat’s stern to carry them, but the Zouch Phoenix proved unseaworthy and had to be returned to port for repairs. Ultimately it carried 16 to 18 people to Cape Ann in 1624, including both settlers from England’s West Country and refugees from the failed Wessagusset plantation in Weymouth (MA), picked up at Plymouth on route to Cape Ann. Wessagusset had been founded in 1622 and abandoned in 1623 after an attack by Wampanoags.[10] Those arriving on the Zouch Phenix would later found Salem Village with Roger Conant, and they were:[11]

From England:
•      Thomas Gardner (Rev. White’s nephew, a farmer), wife Margaret, and sons Thomas, George, Richard, and Joseph
•      Peter Palfrey, trader
•      John Woodbury, trader (later joined by son Humphrey)
•      John Tilley (Tylly), mariner
•      William Allen, carpenter

From Wessagusset via Plymouth:
•      John Balch, wife Agnes, and sons Benjamin and John
•      Capt. William Trask
•      William Jeffreys

Rev. John White never saw Cape Ann, but his envisioned colony officially began upon the landing of the Zouch Phoenix passengers in the summer of 1624 at Half Moon Beach in Gloucester Harbor. Thomas Gardner was assigned to manage the plantation and led the group until Roger Conant arrived in 1625. Gardner’s mother was White’s sister and one of the investors in the Dorchester Company. John Tylly (Tilly), later killed by Indians in the Pequot War, was assigned to manage the fishery. These settlers joined the 14 fishermen who had overwintered, which made for 30 to 32 people—at least 22 men, 2 women, and 6 children. White reported 32 “men”.



The people at Fishermen’s Field managed to build a meetinghouse with oak framing timber and roof beams brought from England in their ships’ holds.[12] The structure would later serve as Roger Conant’s residence. Otherwise, the colonists’ efforts were fraught with mishaps, disagreements, bad judgments, difficult terrain, and poor soil—and the proceeds of the second fishing season disappointed the merchant investors. The Dorchester Company barely broke even after making up for the first season’s loss and covering unexpected expenses—more repairs to the unseaworthy Zouch Phoenix and the hiring of extra transport to get the second season catch to its market. Fishing in unfamiliar New England waters, the men did not readily find the fish and came late to the wrong port. The master mistakenly brought the fish home to Weymouth rather than to their assigned market in Bordeaux, France. As White reports in Planter’s Plea:

The next yeare was brought to the former Ship a Flemish Fly-boat of about 140. tunnes, which being unfit for a Fishing Voyage, as being built meerly for burthen, and wanting lodging for the men which shee needed for such an employment, they added unto her another deck (which seldome proves well with Flemish buildings) by which meanes shee was carved so high, that shee proved walt, and unable to beare any sayle: so that before shee could passe on upon her Voyage, they were faine to shift her first, and put her upon a better trimme, and afterwardes that proving to little purpose to vnlade her, and take her vp and furre her. Which notwithstanding it were performed with as much speede as might be, yet the yeare was aboue a moneth too far spent before she could dispatch to set to Sea againe. And when she arived in the Country, being directed by the Master of the smaller Ship (vpon the successe of his former yeares Voyage) to fish at Cape Anne not far from Mattachusets Bay, sped very ill, as did also the smaller Ship that led her thither, and found little Fish, so that the greater Ship returned with little more then a third part of her lading: and came backe (contrary to her order by which she was consigned to Bordeaux ) directly for England: so that the Company of Adventurers was put to a new charge to hire a small Shippe to carrie that little quantitie of Fish shee brought Home to Market. The charge of this Voyage with both the ships, amounted to about two thousand two hundred pounds: whereof eight hundred pounds and upward must be accounted for the building, and other charges about the greater Ship. By these two Ships were left behinde in the Country about thirtie-two men, the charges of whose wages and provision, amounted to at the least five hundred pounds of the summe formerly mentioned. The provenue of both the Voyages that yeare exceeded not the summe of fiue hundred pounds at the most.

The Dorchester Company borrowed heavily to keep going, but the third fishing season also proved a failure and threw them into debt. In 1625 they sent more people and added a third vessel for cattle and provisions for the people at Fishermen’s Field. The Flemish flyboat again proved unseaworthy and had to return for repairs. Because of their lateness, the three vessels fished at Newfoundland, took too many fish, and had to discard much of their catch. The supply ship, meanwhile, dropped provisions at Cape Ann and subsequently had good fishing there but found the plantation in great disarray and unprepared to help process the fish, a portion of which rotted before it could be delivered. Upon return, the ships could not find secure markets or get good prices for their catch. The ports and markets were in confusion or closed because of the war with Spain. England had declared war on Spain in 1624 in alliance with the Dutch, and in 1625 Charles I succeeded James I as King of England, bringing that country closer to civil war. According to White:

The third yeare 1625. both Ships with a small Vessell of fortie tuns which carried Kine with other prouisions, were againe set to Sea upon the same Voyage with the charge of two thousand pounds, of which summe the Company borrowed, & became indebted for one thousand pounds and upwards. The great Ship being commanded by a uery able Master, hauing passed on about two hundred leagues in her Voyage, found her selfe so leake by the Carpenters fault, (that looked not well to her Calking) that she bare up the Helme and returned for Waymouth, & having unladen her provisions and mended her leake, set her selfe to Sea againe; resolving to take aduice of the Windes whether to passe on her former Voyage or to turne into New-found-land, which she did, by reason that the time was so far spent, that the Master and Company dispaired of doing any good in New-England: where the Fish falls in two or three mounths sooner then at New-found-land. There she tooke Fish good store and much more then she could lade home: the overplus should have beene sold and deliuered to some sacke or other sent to take it in there, if the Voyage had beene well managed. But that could not be done by reason that the Ship before she went was not certaine where to make her Fish; by this accident it fell out that a good quantitie of the Fish she tooke was cast away, and some other part was brought home in another Ship. At the returne of the Ships that yeare, Fish by reason of our warres with Spaine falling to a very low rate; the Company endevoured to send the greater Ship for France: but she being taken short with a contrary Winde in the West-Country, and intelligence given in the meane time that those Markets were over-laid, they were enforced to bring her backe againe, and to sell her Fish at home as they might. Which they did, and with it the Fish of the smaller Ship, the New-England Fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale or there about; the New-found-land Fish at six shillings foure pence the hundred, of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised vpon it after the Ships returne: by this reason the Fish which at a Market in all likely-hood might have yeelded well nigh two thousand pounds, amounted not with all the Provenue of the Voyage to above eleaven hundred pounds. Vnto these losses by Fishing were added two other no small disaduantages, the one in the Country by our Land-Men, who being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into many disorders and did the Company little seruice: The other by the fall of the price of Shipping, which was now abated to more then the one halfe, by which meanes it came to passe, that our Ships which stood vs in little lesse then twelue hundred pounds, were sold for foure hundred and eighty pounds.

The Dorchester Company declared bankruptcy. Amytie and Fellowship, in two voyages, brought most of the Dorchester Company fishermen and some settlers, who had started to die from exposure and disease, home to England.[13] According to their bills of lading they landed dry fish, codfish, train oil (whale oil), quarters of oak (quarter-cut oak boards for wainscotting), and skins of fox, raccoon, pine marten, otter, muskrat, and beaver from their trade with the resident Pawtucket of Cape Ann:

…[T]he ‘Amytie’ and the ‘Fellowship’ two ships employed by the Dorchester company return from New England on 1st August and the 15th September 1625. They bring with them ‘dry fish, corfish [codfish], train oil [whale oil], quarters of oak [quarter cut oak boards for wainscoting], and skins of Fox, racons [racoons] , martyn’s [pine marten], otter, muskuatche [muskrat], and beaver’ and are unloaded by Richard Bushrod and William Derby.

Even after the sale if its three ships and their cargoes, however, the Dorchester Company remained deeply in debt and in a quandary over how to protect its assets at Fishermen’s Field as well as the colonists who had elected to remain on Cape Ann. This is the context in which Roger Conant became involved in events leading to the establishment of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.





[1] Gray, Todd. 2012. Cape Ann Fishermen, the Pilgrims and England in 1623 (Talk given at the Cape Ann Museum, November 17, 2012).

[2] Ackerman, Arthur W., June 1, 2007, Reverend John White of Dorchester, England, Dorchester Atheneum: http://www.dorchesteratheneum.org/page.php?id=917; Rose-Troup, Frances, 1930, John White: The Patriarch of Dorchester (Dorset) and the Founder of Massachusetts, 1575–1648 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons), and 1930, The Massachusetts Bay Company and Its Predecessors (New York: Grafton).

[3] Gray, Todd. 2012. Cape Ann Fishermen, the Pilgrims and England in 1623 (Talk given at the Cape Ann Museum, November 17, 2012). See also Fisheries in New England and in the Merrimack River, Early. Essex Institute Historical Collections 1: 73, 32: 196, and Fisheries of Gloucester, The, from the first catch by the English, in 1623, to the centennial year 1876. 1876. Gloucester, Mass: Proctor Brothers.

[4] Doyle, John Andrew, 1889, The English Colonies in America: Vol. 2 The Puritan Colonies (New York: H. Holt & Company); Records of the Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. From 1628 to 1641, in Volume I of the archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (1850): http://archive.org/details/recordsofcompany00mass. Francis Bremer, The Puritan Experiment: New England Society from Bradford to Edwards (1996); and Bremer and Webster, eds., Puritans and Puritanism in Europe and America: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia (2006).

[5] Russell, Michael, February 2012, Richard Bushrod (1576-1628), Haberdasher and Merchant Adventurer, http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/RichardBushrod1576.html; Russell, Michael, March 2009, Sir Walter Earle (Erle) 1586-1665, Knight of Charborough (Fordington): http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/SirWalterErle.html. Also:
Haven, Samuel F. 1869, History of grants under the Great Council of New England. Massachusetts Historical Society, Lowell Institute (Boston: Press of John Wilson and Son): https://archive.org/details/historygrantsun00instgoog.

[6] Council for New England Records 1622-1623, American Antiquarian Society folio Vol. C. http://www.americanantiquarian.org/Findingaids/council_for_new_england.pdf.

[7] Haven, Samuel F. 1869, History of grants under the Great Council of New England. Massachusetts Historical Society, Lowell Institute (Boston: Press of John Wilson and Son): https://archive.org/details/historygrantsun00instgoog. See the Sheffield Patent of 1623 at https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.03300100/. Thornton’s discussion of its provisions is on pages 31-37 of his 1854 history, The Landing at Cape Ann: or, The charter of the first permanent colony on the territory of the Massachusetts Company. John Babson’s retelling of Bradford’s “useless patent” begins on p. 34 of his History of the Town of Gloucester, Cape Ann, Including the Town of Rockport, 1860 (350th Anniversary Edition, 1972). Primary sources include Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 11, Series 4: 1-89 (1856, the unabridged Fulham manuscript with letters). See also Governor William Bradford’s Letter Book. Massachusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants, Boston  (1906).

[8] White, Rev. John, 1630, The Planter’s Plea (London: William Jones); also: John White’s Planter’s Plea, 1630, printed in facsimile with an introduction by Marshall H. Saville, The Sandy Bay Historical Society Publications Volume I (Rockport, MA, 1930).

[9] Russell, Michael. 2007, Members of the Dorchester Company 1624-1626. In Pilgrims of Fordington & Dorchester Dorset England: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/FordingtonDorchesterCo2.html.

[10] Adams, Jr., Charles Francis. 1905, Wessagusset and Weymouth, Vol. 3, Weymouth Historical Society. Stewart, Marcia, ed. 1662. Phineas Pratt’s Account of Wessagusset Plantation. Boston, MA: The Winthrop Society: http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_pratt.php.
Pratt, Phineas. 1662. A declaration of the affairs of the English people that first inhabited New England (about Wessagusset), in The Narrative of Phineas Pratt, The Pilgrim Hall Museum:

[11] Emigrant Ships Departing Weymouth: http://www.weymouth-dorset.co.uk/ships.html. See also: Hubbard, William. 1815. A General history of New England: from the discovery to 1680. Volume 5 of Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston, MA: Hilliard & Metcalf. See also Volume 1 of Alexander Young’s 1846 Chronicles of the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1623-1636, and Thornton, John Wingate. 1854. The Landing at Cape Ann: or, The charter of the first permanent colony on the territory of the Massachusetts Company. New York: Gould and Lincoln.

[12] Adams, Herbert B. The Fisher Plantation of Cape Anne, 1882. Part I of The Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem, Historical Collections of the Essex Institute: 19. (Salem, MA).
Webber, Carl and Winfield S. Nevins. 1877. Also Gardner, Frank A. 1907. Thomas Gardner, planter (Cape Ann, 1623-1626; Salem, 1626-1674) Essex Institute, Salem, MA.