Showing posts with label Cape Ann. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cape Ann. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

23. Roger Conant on Cape Ann Part II: The Rescue Party By Mary Ellen Lepionka, January 2020



Roger Conant on Cape Ann
Part II: The Rescue Party
By Mary Ellen Lepionka, January 2020

The Dorchester Company was officially dissolved in the fall of 1625 as unprofitable and unsustainable. Two ships set sail from Weymouth with relief supplies and instructions to bring home to England any settlers who wanted out. Most of the Zouch Phoenix arrivals had stayed through the winter of 1624-1625 along with the few fishermen remaining from the first season. The Company ultimately would occupy Fishermen’s Field from the winter of 1623-1624 to the fall of 1626, when the site was abandoned. This amounted to two and a half years comprising three winters, three fishing seasons, and two growing seasons. White blamed the venture’s failure as much on poor leadership and unproductive labor as on poor fishing and planting and the vicissitudes of international markets. He also observed that fishing and planting require entirely different settings and conditions, that fishermen do not necessarily make good builders and planters and vice versa, that laying the foundation for a colony involves sunk costs that cannot be recovered, and that colonies cannot be expected to become profitable right away:

"Two things withall may be intimated by the way, the first, that the very proiect it selfe of planting by the helpe of a fishing Voyage, can never answer the successe that it seemes to promise (which experienced Fisher-men easily have foreseene before hand, and by that meanes haue preuented divers ensuing errors) whereof amongst divers other reasons these may serue for two. First that no sure fishing place in the Land is fit for planting, nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing, at least neere the Shoare. And secondly, rarely any Fisher-men will worke at Land, neither are Husband-men fit for Fisher-men but with long vse & experience. The second thing to be obserued is, that nothing new fell out in the managing of this stocke seeing experience hath taught vs that as in building houses the first stones of the foundation are buried vnder ground and are not seene, so in planting Colonies, the first stockes employed that way are consumed, although they serue for a foundation to the worke."

White nevertheless was desperate to protect the Company’s property and interests on Cape Ann and to provide leadership, religious stewardship, and provisions for the settlers who had chosen to remain. John Conant, a Dorchester Company investor and Pastor of Lymington, alerted White to the fact that his brother Roger Conant had emigrated to New Plymouth in 1623 and might make a good manager for the Company’s affairs at Cape Ann. The Company wrote to Roger Conant inviting him to come up from Plymouth to manage the property until it could be disposed of through the bankruptcy proceedings and to lead those who stayed, along with any new settlers who showed up. Conant was at Nantasket (present-day Hull, Massachusetts) at the time with some ex-Plymouth fishermen, helping to operate a satellite fishing station and trading post for the lucrative fur trade with the Wampanoag. 

Roger Conant, a London salter (saltmaker and trader in salt), and his brother Christopher, a London grocer, had settled in Plymouth with their families in 1623. They apparently disliked the religious intolerance of the Pilgrims, however, and the Separatist sentiments they found there, including the so-called Brownists, whose efforts led ultimately to the establishment of the Congregational Church in New England. Separatism vs. ecclesiastical reform—breaking away from the Church of England  versus changing the way it was conducted—and Royalists vs. Parliamentarians—having a monarchy vs. a representational democracy--were religious and political issues in the coming English Civil War of 1642-1651, which was dividing English settlers in the colonies as well. The Conant families left for Nantasket in 1624, following the anti-Separatist and Royalist Puritan preacher John Lyford and the free-thinking trader John Oldham, both of whom had made themselves unwelcome in William Bradford’s Plymouth Plantation.

Conant accepted the Dorchester Company’s offer and joined the Zouch Phoenix settlers at Fishermen’s Field in the summer of 1625. He brought his family with him (a wife and two or three children born to them by that time). He also brought Nantasket fishermen Richard Norman and his son Richard Norman Jr. (Norman’s Woe is named for a Norman family loss in a shipwreck on that rock off the Gloucester Massachusetts coast), Thomas Gray, John Gray, Walter Knight (who had likely purchased land at Hull from the Neponset sachem Chickatawbut), Knight’s wife and five children, the Rev. John Lyford, and the trader John Oldham. Oldham subsequently declined an offer of a monopoly on the Cape Ann Indian trade and did not stay with Conant’s party.







Fishermen’s Field at Stage Fort Park, Gloucester, MA

At Cape Ann, Conant found a settlement barely capable of eking its way through the winter of 1625-1626. He soon declared conditions too harsh for a plantation, the soil too poor and rocky, and the fishing grounds too inconveniently far away. He also found that though the men had built a pier and flake yard and had erected a meetinghouse, operations for receiving, salting, and barreling fish had not been developed, and the plantation was inadequate. The plantation harvest (they were trying to grow English barley from imported seed sown in glacial till) was too meagre to feed them. The people were quarrelsome, living in the Pawtuckets’ wigwams, relying on the Indians’ reserves of corn to survive, and falling ill. Conant wrote to White of his resolve to abandon the site. In the fall of 1626 he and a Pawtucket guide led the entire party overland southwest along the coast for 12 miles, driving their cattle before them, via the Squam Trail, to the Pawtucket village of Naumkeag (Nahumkeak), located on the Bass River where it drains Wenham Lake.

The new “Cape Ann Side” settlement that Conant and company founded near Naumkeag was in present-day North Beverly, Massachusetts—not Salem is commonly thought. The confusion stems from the fact that they called their settlement in Beverly “Salem Village”, which at that time also included parts of present-day Manchester-by-the Sea, Beverly, Peabody, Danvers, and Middleton. (In 1628 John Endicott, representing John White’s new New England Company, moved the colony’s seat across the river to present-day Salem.) The first fishing station was on Beverly Harbor below Fish Flake Hill, from the waterfront (Water Street) up to Stone Street and from Bartlett Street to Rantoul Street in present-day Beverly. The English survived their first winters through the hospitality of the Pawtucket people, with whom—by their own accounts—they planted, hunted, and fished side by side, peacefully, for the next 40 years.





Fish Flake Hill Today, Beverly, MA





Accounts differ as to the number of people with Conant on the Squam Trail to Naumkeag. One source cites “20 or 30 Dorchester Company people”, while another notes that only 2 or 3 Dorchester Company men remained. However, the 2 or 3 men must refer to the 2 or 3 “men of substance” (John Balch, John Woodbury, and Peter Palfrey) whom Rev. John White chose to co-govern with Conant at Naumkeag. Learning that the move was a fait accompli, White implored Conant to remain at Naumkeag to maintain the integrity of the Cape Ann effort and to induce the men of substance and any others to stay at the new settlement. According to Hubbard’s account of his interview with Roger Conant:

"…Mr. White, (under God, one of the chief founders of the Massachusetts Colony in New England,) being grieved in his spirit that so good a work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the adventurers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. Conant not so to desert his business; faithfully promising, that if himself with three others, (whom he knew to be honest and prudent men,) viz., John Woodbury, John Balch and Peter Palfreys, employed by the adventurers, would stay at Naumkeag, and give timely notice thereof, he would provide a patent for them, and likewise send them whatever they should write for, either men or provisions, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians. Answer was returned that they would all stay on those terms, intreating that they might be encouraged accordingly."

The plaque on Conant’s famous statue in present-day Salem attests to his difficulty in persuading people to stay. The plaque quotes from the following statement in Conant’s report to the Mass. Bay Colony General Court: 

"…[When] in the infancy thereof, [the colony] was in great hassard of being deserted, I was a means through grace assisting me, to stop the flight of those few that there then were heere with me, and that by my utter deniall to goe away with them, who would have gone either for England or mostly for Virginia, but hereupon stayed to the hassard of our lives."






Roger Conant Plaque, Salem, MA


Meanwhile, Rev. John White created the New England Company out of the ashes of the Dorchester Company and sent relief supplies to Cape Ann. On March 19, 1627, he had the Dorchester Company’s property transferred to the New England Company for a Plantation on Massachusetts Bay. This was an unincorporated joint stock company with 90 West Country investors, including some of the original Dorchester Company investors, each contributing £50. Richard Saltonstall was the chief shareholder. The very next day, supplies were loaded on two ships at Weymouth under a license to Simon Whetcombe and associates of the new Company. White, himself lacking the funds to invest in the new company, nevertheless fulfilled his promise to resupply the settlers. The relief ships found no one at Cape Ann but managed to locate them at Naumkeag and delivered provisions of cattle, fodder, beef, cheese, butter, soap, oil, beer, and clothing. 

Settlers returning to England in 1625 had leaked word about the Dorchester Company bankruptcy and imminent abandonment of Cape Ann, prompting some West Country investors to attempt to claim the abandoned assets, especially the barrels of salt, as a means of recovering their money. They hired a Capt. John Hewes, a Welshman, to sail up from Plymouth on their behalf to seize whatever was there. Thus begins a famous confrontation on Fishermen’s Field in which Roger Conant is credited with averting bloodshed.

When Governor Bradford learned—from Capt. Peirce in the Anne, who was fishing in Gloucester waters at the time—that Hewes was attempting to take over Dorchester Company assets at Cape Ann, he sent Miles Standish with some marines to protect the interests of Plymouth Plantation. Plymouth had a prior claim on Cape Ann. In 1623, the same year that John White received a patent for Cape Ann, Edward Winslow and Robert Cushman of Plymouth purchased a patent for Cape Ann from Lord Sheffield:

"Wynesseth that the said Lord Sheffield…Hath Gyven…for the said Robert and Edward and their associates…a certaine Tracte of Ground in New England in a knowne place there commonly called Cape Anne…Together with the free use of the Bay of Cape Anne…and free liberty to ffish, fowle, etc. and to trade in the lands thereabout, and in all other places in New England aforesaid whereof the said Lord Sheffield is or hath byn possessed…Together also with ffive hundred Acres of free Land adioyning to the said Bay…for the building of a Towne, Scholes, Churches, Hospitals, etc. also Thirty Acres of Land and besides…to be allotted…for every particular person that shall come and dwell at the aforesaid Cape Anne within Seaven yeares next after the Date hereof." 

Unaccountably, Sheffield had promptly sold his charter to Plymouth. The sale was unauthorized and therefore unenforceable. Bradford referred to it as a “useless patent” and complained that he had been “dispossessed of Cape Ann by West Country adventurers”. In 1624 the Plymouth Company nevertheless tested the waters by sending a fishing expedition and salter to Cape Ann to set up a saltworks and erect a stage at Gloucester Harbor. They found the Dorchester Company already there with a patent of its own and the rudiments of a plantation on Fishermen’s Field. 

In its rush to get Puritan colonies going in New England, in competition with Pilgrim colonies as well as with the more prosperous Virginia Colony, the Council for New England had awarded charters for Cape Ann to both Rev. John White and Lord Sheffield, a real grounds for conflicting claims to Cape Ann. In addition, there was Ferdinando Gorges’ and John Mason’s earlier King’s Grant (from King James I), which had included all of eastern North America north of the Virginia Colony and predated even the founding of Plymouth. 

  

So the historical marker commemorating that confrontation is not accurate. Roger Conant’s intervention may have averted bloodshed—Miles Standish did threaten Hewes and his men—but there were really three factions, not two, and they were not contending for a fishing stage. They were contending for all the Dorchester Company’s assets there, and Plymouth in addition was attempting to enforce its claim to Cape Ann. 







"Modified wigwams with chimneys instead of smoke hole"

In any case, if the Dorchester Company was abandoning Cape Ann, Bradford wanted to claim it for Plymouth and build a permanent fishing station there. According to accounts of the 1625 confrontation, Hewes and his men barricaded themselves behind barrels of salt in the flake yard and Standish threatened to open fire on them, when Roger Conant and company “rushed from their huts” (modified wigwams with chimneys instead of smoke hole) to explain that by English law everything in Fishermen’s Field was still Dorchester Company property pending the outcome of bankruptcy proceedings. With that, all the parties dispersed. The West Country men under Capt. Hewes left for Plymouth’s trading post at Cushnoc on the Kennebec River near present-day Augusta, Maine. They had managed to steal some barrels of salt from Fishermen’s Field, which they sold en route at a trading post at Piscataqua, New Hampshire. Ten years later, John White sued the West Country merchants who had employed them to repossess that salt. Meanwhile, Bradfort recalled Capt. Peirce and Miles Standish to Plymouth, and Roger Conant and his rag tag retinue left Cape Ann for Naumkeag.    

(To be continued. Part III is on Roger Conant in Naumkeag.)


Sources:

Adams, Herbert B. The Fisher Plantation of Cape Anne, 1882. Part I of The Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem, Historical Collections of the Essex Institute: 19. (Salem, MA).

Babson, John. 1860. History of the Town of Gloucester, pp. 16-18.

Bradford, William. Bradford’s complaint of having been dispossessed of Cape Ann by adventurers is in several letters and his commonplace book. His account of the confrontation in Fisherman’s Field is in his entries for 1626 in his History of Plimoth Plantation.  For Plymouth on Cape Ann prior to Dorchester Company arrival see Bradford, Records of the Great Council of Plymouth (February 18, 1622-1623).


Bradford, William and Edward Winslow, Mourt’s Relation, or Journal of the Plantation at Plymouth (1622).

Bremer, Francis Bremer. 1996. The Puritan Experiment: New England Society from Bradford to Edwards; also Bremer and Webster, eds. 2006. Puritans and Puritanism in Europe and America: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia.  

Conant, Frederick Conant. 1877. History and Genealogy of the Conant Family in England and America (http://www.archive.org/details/historygenealogy00cona). 

Gannon, Fred A. n. d. Roger Conant and the Fishing Station of 1626. In Some Starts of Industry and Commerce in Old Salem. Salem, MA: J. N Simard.

Gardner, Frank. 1907. Thomas Gardner, planter (Cape Ann, 1623-1626; Salem, 1626-1674).

Gorges, Ferdinando. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine: A Briefe Narration... (1658); America Painted to the Life…. (1659); and Letter relating to Maine, Essex Institute Historical Collections 7: 271 (1661). 

Hubbard, William. 1815. A General history of New England: from the discovery to 1680. Volume 5 of Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston, MA: Hilliard & Metcalf.

Knight family of Salem, Early records of. Essex Institute Historical Collections 2: 256.

Levett, Christopher. 1628. A Voyage into New England Begun in 1623 and Ended in 1624, Performed by Christopher Levett, his Majesties Woodward of Somersetshire, and one of the Councell of New-England. London: William Jones, for the Council of New England.

Maverick, Samuel. 1660 (Reprinted 1885). A Briefe Description of New England and the Severall Townes Therein, Together with the Present Government Thereof. In New England Historical and Genealogical Register 39: 33-47.

Morton, Thomas (1545-1676). 1637; 1883. Charles Francis Adams, ed. The New English Canaan. Boston: The Prince Society (John Adams Library).

Naumkeag: Good relations among Pawtucket and colonists on Cape Ann and at Naumkeag is attested by Edward Johnson in Wonder-Working Providence of Sions Saviour in New England (1654) and Good News from New England (1658) and by William Wood in New England’s Prospect: A True, Lively, and Experimental Description of That Part of America, commonly called New England (1634): http://www.comity.org/Wood_NE_Prospect.htm.

Norman family of Salem, Biographical sketch and Early records of. Essex Institute Historical Collections 1: 191, 1: 192, 2: 299, 3: 190, 9: 113, 17: 84. 

Phillips, Stephen Willard. October 1955. Evolution of Cape Ann Roads and Transportation 1623-1955. In Transportation. Salem, MA: Essex Institute Publications.

Phippen, George D. Biographical sketch of Roger Conant. Essex Institute Historical Collections: 1: 145.  

Records of the Great Council of Plymouth, February 18, 1622-1623 (Boston: Commonwealth Museum) and Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, Vol. I Deeds & Etc. 1620 to 1651, in the Book of Indian Records for Their Lands (Massachusetts Historical Commission Archives, 1861). 

Russell, Michael. 2007. Members of the Dorchester Company 1624-1626. In Pilgrims of Fordington & Dorchester Dorset England: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/FordingtonDorchesterCo2.html; and Dorchester Company Ships: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/RichardBushrod1576.html. 

Thornton, John Wingate. 1854. The Landing at Cape Ann: or, The charter of the first permanent colony on the territory of the Massachusetts Company. New York: Gould and Lincoln; August 29, 1862. Colonial Schemes of Popham and Gorges. Speech given at the Fort Popham Celebration, August 29, 1862. Maine Historical Society. Boston: Edward I. Balch (1863).

Webber, Carl and Winfield S. Nevins. 1877. Old Naumkeag: An Historical Sketch of the City of Salem, and the Towns of Marblehead, Peabody, Danvers, Wenham, Manchester, Topsfield, and Middleton. Salem, MA: A. A. Smith.

White, Rev. John. October 12, 1634. The Adventure for 1623-1628 in New England. Proceedings of the Court of Requests of Charles I, London.

White, Rev. John, 1630, The Planter’s Plea (London: William Jones); John White’s Planter’s Plea, 1630, printed in facsimile with an introduction by Marshall H. Saville, The Sandy Bay Historical Society Publications Volume I (Rockport, MA, 1930), pp. 70-77; 79-84.

Wilkie, Richard W. and Jack Tager. 1991. Map of Native Settlements and Trails c. 1600-1650, p.12, Historical Atlas of Massachusetts: http://www.geo.umass.edu/faculty/wilkie/Wilkie/maps.html

Winslow, Edward. 1624. Good Newes from New England: A true relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New England (1996 reprint, Applewood Books). 

Winthrop, John. 1649 (Reprinted 1908). History of New England 1630-1649. James K. Hosmer, ed. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. (Also 1853, James Savage, ed., The University of Michigan).

Winthrop Society, the. The Residents of Salem, First Town of the Massachusetts Bay Commonwealth:
From Original Records up to the Year 1651: http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_salem.php. 

Woodbury, Humphrey. Deposition on his father John Woodbury’s arrival in Salem Village in 1624:  http://dougsinclairsarchives.com/woodbury/johnwoodbury1.htm#vitals. 

Young, Alexander. 1846, Chronicles of the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1623-1636, Volumes 41 and 49 (Also Volume 1, p. 12). Boston, MA: C. C. Little and J. Brown.

© Mary Ellen Lepionka, 2020

Continued at https://conant400.blogspot.com/2020/02/roger-conant-on-cape-ann-part-iii.html




Sunday, January 19, 2020

21. Roger Conant on Cape Ann Part I: The Dorchester Company

Continued from https://conant400.blogspot.com/2019/12/a-tale-of-two-museums-how-conant-400-is.html


Roger Conant on Cape Ann
Part I: The Dorchester Company
Mary Ellen Lepionka 12/3/2019


In 1622 some merchants in England’s West Country, whose ships sailed from Weymouth to fish on Newfoundland’s Grand Banks, decided to attempt a settlement on the coast of New England. They thought if they sent a double crew, they could leave some fishermen ashore with provisions for the winter to build a fishing station and start a plantation to support the next season’s fishing expedition. The merchants optimistically believed that while waiting for the fishing fleet to return in spring, the fishermen on shore could build stages and dwellings, cure fish, make salt, construct fish boxes and salt barrels, trap and trade with the Indians for furs, hunt for venison, and plant crops.[1]

The Reverend John White (1575-1648), a Puritan minister and rector of Holy Trinity Church, which still stands in  Dorchester, was captivated by this idea.[2] He believed such a colony would be an economic boon to England. Europe’s local fisheries had become depleted from overfishing while meeting demand for fish on Fridays when Roman Catholics abstained from eating meat.[3] More than that, a Puritan colony in New England would be a refuge for church reformers as well as for colonists who wanted to escape the rigid separatism of the Pilgrims at Plymouth Colony, established in 1620. Pilgrims tended to be anti-royalist and wanted to break away from the Church of England. They were intolerant of Puritans, who tended to defend the monarchy and merely sought to reform the way the state religion was being conducted.[4] Such  differences contributed ultimately to the English Civil War (1641-1651), which had significant impacts on England’s American colonies.

White promoted the idea for a colony in New England among his family, friends, parishioners, colleagues, local merchants, and Sir Walter Earle [Erle], a knight and sheriff of Dorset and also a parishioner and friend. The merchants were represented by Richard Bushrod—a Dorchester haberdasher and mercer interested in furs for his hats and outerwear, and a parishioner in White’s Holy Trinity Church.[5] In February 1622 Bushrod obtained a fishing license for the merchants from the Council of New England and requested permission to search for a site for a colony in New England, and in February 1623, the Council granted a patent, or indenture, to Sir Walter Earle to that end.[6] Unbeknownst to them, in its haste to establish a Puritan foothold in the New World, the Council at the same time granted a duplicate patent to merchants represented by Lord Sheffield. Sheffield promptly and without permission sold his claim to Plymouth, however, rendering it invalid. (Governor Bradford later complained that White’s “adventurers” had robbed him of Cape Ann because of Sheffield’s “useless patent”.) [7]

White’s merchant associates purchased a 50-ton fishing vessel, the Fellowship, which sailed for New England in the summer of 1623. It arrived too late in the season for productive fishing but left fourteen men and provisions on Cape Ann, on the northern coast of what would later become Massachusetts Bay Colony. They landed on a point of land at the western end of a natural harbor, today’s Stage Fort Park on Gloucester Harbor, and set up camp there on Fishermen’s Field, where resident Pawtucket came to fish. The 14 Englishmen sheltered in the Indians’ wigwams. There is no record of who they were, but the event is immortalized in a bronze plaque on “Tablet Rock”, a plutonic outcrop at the site. Meanwhile, the other crew eventually found fish on Stellwagen Bank in Massachusetts Bay but returned too late to their market in Seville, Spain, to get a good price for their catch. According to White [8], the first season ended in the red:

The first imployment then of this new raised Stocke, was in buying a small Ship of fiftie tunnes, which was with as much speed as might be dispatched towards New-England vpon a Fishing Voyage: the charge of which Ship with a new sute of sayles and other provisions to furnish her, amounted to more then three hundred pound. Now by reason the Voyage was undertaken too late; shee came at least a moneth or six weekes later then the rest of the Fishing-Shippes, that went for that Coast; and by that meanes wanting Fish to make up her lading, the Master thought good to passe into Mattachusets bay, to try whether that would yeeld him any, which he performed, and speeding there, better then he had reason to expect: having left his spare men behind him in the Country at Cape Ann, he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spaine, and so home. The charge of this Voyage, with provision for foureteene spare men left in the Countrey, amounted to above eight hundred pound, with the three hundred pound expended vpon the Shippe, mentioned before. And the whole provenue (besides the Ship which remained to us still) amounted not to above two hundred pound; So the expence above the returne of that voyage came to 600 li and vpwards.

With men on Cape Ann to resupply, Earle and White then met in March 1624 in Dorchester to set up a joint-stock company to organize and fund the venture. The “Dorchester Company Adventurers” consisted originally of 119 investors, including five women of means, who each paid £25 per share. Stockholders’ names and stories are on record.[9] The Company’s fund from the sale of stock came to around £3,000. They purchased two more vessels, the Amytie [Amity] as a supply boat and coaster, and a 140-ton Flemish fly-boat called Zouch Phoenix to carry colonists and cattle. Additional decks had to be added to the fly-boat’s stern to carry them, but the Zouch Phoenix proved unseaworthy and had to be returned to port for repairs. Ultimately it carried 16 to 18 people to Cape Ann in 1624, including both settlers from England’s West Country and refugees from the failed Wessagusset plantation in Weymouth (MA), picked up at Plymouth on route to Cape Ann. Wessagusset had been founded in 1622 and abandoned in 1623 after an attack by Wampanoags.[10] Those arriving on the Zouch Phenix would later found Salem Village with Roger Conant, and they were:[11]

From England:
•      Thomas Gardner (Rev. White’s nephew, a farmer), wife Margaret, and sons Thomas, George, Richard, and Joseph
•      Peter Palfrey, trader
•      John Woodbury, trader (later joined by son Humphrey)
•      John Tilley (Tylly), mariner
•      William Allen, carpenter

From Wessagusset via Plymouth:
•      John Balch, wife Agnes, and sons Benjamin and John
•      Capt. William Trask
•      William Jeffreys

Rev. John White never saw Cape Ann, but his envisioned colony officially began upon the landing of the Zouch Phoenix passengers in the summer of 1624 at Half Moon Beach in Gloucester Harbor. Thomas Gardner was assigned to manage the plantation and led the group until Roger Conant arrived in 1625. Gardner’s mother was White’s sister and one of the investors in the Dorchester Company. John Tylly (Tilly), later killed by Indians in the Pequot War, was assigned to manage the fishery. These settlers joined the 14 fishermen who had overwintered, which made for 30 to 32 people—at least 22 men, 2 women, and 6 children. White reported 32 “men”.



The people at Fishermen’s Field managed to build a meetinghouse with oak framing timber and roof beams brought from England in their ships’ holds.[12] The structure would later serve as Roger Conant’s residence. Otherwise, the colonists’ efforts were fraught with mishaps, disagreements, bad judgments, difficult terrain, and poor soil—and the proceeds of the second fishing season disappointed the merchant investors. The Dorchester Company barely broke even after making up for the first season’s loss and covering unexpected expenses—more repairs to the unseaworthy Zouch Phoenix and the hiring of extra transport to get the second season catch to its market. Fishing in unfamiliar New England waters, the men did not readily find the fish and came late to the wrong port. The master mistakenly brought the fish home to Weymouth rather than to their assigned market in Bordeaux, France. As White reports in Planter’s Plea:

The next yeare was brought to the former Ship a Flemish Fly-boat of about 140. tunnes, which being unfit for a Fishing Voyage, as being built meerly for burthen, and wanting lodging for the men which shee needed for such an employment, they added unto her another deck (which seldome proves well with Flemish buildings) by which meanes shee was carved so high, that shee proved walt, and unable to beare any sayle: so that before shee could passe on upon her Voyage, they were faine to shift her first, and put her upon a better trimme, and afterwardes that proving to little purpose to vnlade her, and take her vp and furre her. Which notwithstanding it were performed with as much speede as might be, yet the yeare was aboue a moneth too far spent before she could dispatch to set to Sea againe. And when she arived in the Country, being directed by the Master of the smaller Ship (vpon the successe of his former yeares Voyage) to fish at Cape Anne not far from Mattachusets Bay, sped very ill, as did also the smaller Ship that led her thither, and found little Fish, so that the greater Ship returned with little more then a third part of her lading: and came backe (contrary to her order by which she was consigned to Bordeaux ) directly for England: so that the Company of Adventurers was put to a new charge to hire a small Shippe to carrie that little quantitie of Fish shee brought Home to Market. The charge of this Voyage with both the ships, amounted to about two thousand two hundred pounds: whereof eight hundred pounds and upward must be accounted for the building, and other charges about the greater Ship. By these two Ships were left behinde in the Country about thirtie-two men, the charges of whose wages and provision, amounted to at the least five hundred pounds of the summe formerly mentioned. The provenue of both the Voyages that yeare exceeded not the summe of fiue hundred pounds at the most.

The Dorchester Company borrowed heavily to keep going, but the third fishing season also proved a failure and threw them into debt. In 1625 they sent more people and added a third vessel for cattle and provisions for the people at Fishermen’s Field. The Flemish flyboat again proved unseaworthy and had to return for repairs. Because of their lateness, the three vessels fished at Newfoundland, took too many fish, and had to discard much of their catch. The supply ship, meanwhile, dropped provisions at Cape Ann and subsequently had good fishing there but found the plantation in great disarray and unprepared to help process the fish, a portion of which rotted before it could be delivered. Upon return, the ships could not find secure markets or get good prices for their catch. The ports and markets were in confusion or closed because of the war with Spain. England had declared war on Spain in 1624 in alliance with the Dutch, and in 1625 Charles I succeeded James I as King of England, bringing that country closer to civil war. According to White:

The third yeare 1625. both Ships with a small Vessell of fortie tuns which carried Kine with other prouisions, were againe set to Sea upon the same Voyage with the charge of two thousand pounds, of which summe the Company borrowed, & became indebted for one thousand pounds and upwards. The great Ship being commanded by a uery able Master, hauing passed on about two hundred leagues in her Voyage, found her selfe so leake by the Carpenters fault, (that looked not well to her Calking) that she bare up the Helme and returned for Waymouth, & having unladen her provisions and mended her leake, set her selfe to Sea againe; resolving to take aduice of the Windes whether to passe on her former Voyage or to turne into New-found-land, which she did, by reason that the time was so far spent, that the Master and Company dispaired of doing any good in New-England: where the Fish falls in two or three mounths sooner then at New-found-land. There she tooke Fish good store and much more then she could lade home: the overplus should have beene sold and deliuered to some sacke or other sent to take it in there, if the Voyage had beene well managed. But that could not be done by reason that the Ship before she went was not certaine where to make her Fish; by this accident it fell out that a good quantitie of the Fish she tooke was cast away, and some other part was brought home in another Ship. At the returne of the Ships that yeare, Fish by reason of our warres with Spaine falling to a very low rate; the Company endevoured to send the greater Ship for France: but she being taken short with a contrary Winde in the West-Country, and intelligence given in the meane time that those Markets were over-laid, they were enforced to bring her backe againe, and to sell her Fish at home as they might. Which they did, and with it the Fish of the smaller Ship, the New-England Fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale or there about; the New-found-land Fish at six shillings foure pence the hundred, of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised vpon it after the Ships returne: by this reason the Fish which at a Market in all likely-hood might have yeelded well nigh two thousand pounds, amounted not with all the Provenue of the Voyage to above eleaven hundred pounds. Vnto these losses by Fishing were added two other no small disaduantages, the one in the Country by our Land-Men, who being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into many disorders and did the Company little seruice: The other by the fall of the price of Shipping, which was now abated to more then the one halfe, by which meanes it came to passe, that our Ships which stood vs in little lesse then twelue hundred pounds, were sold for foure hundred and eighty pounds.

The Dorchester Company declared bankruptcy. Amytie and Fellowship, in two voyages, brought most of the Dorchester Company fishermen and some settlers, who had started to die from exposure and disease, home to England.[13] According to their bills of lading they landed dry fish, codfish, train oil (whale oil), quarters of oak (quarter-cut oak boards for wainscotting), and skins of fox, raccoon, pine marten, otter, muskrat, and beaver from their trade with the resident Pawtucket of Cape Ann:

…[T]he ‘Amytie’ and the ‘Fellowship’ two ships employed by the Dorchester company return from New England on 1st August and the 15th September 1625. They bring with them ‘dry fish, corfish [codfish], train oil [whale oil], quarters of oak [quarter cut oak boards for wainscoting], and skins of Fox, racons [racoons] , martyn’s [pine marten], otter, muskuatche [muskrat], and beaver’ and are unloaded by Richard Bushrod and William Derby.

Even after the sale if its three ships and their cargoes, however, the Dorchester Company remained deeply in debt and in a quandary over how to protect its assets at Fishermen’s Field as well as the colonists who had elected to remain on Cape Ann. This is the context in which Roger Conant became involved in events leading to the establishment of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.





[1] Gray, Todd. 2012. Cape Ann Fishermen, the Pilgrims and England in 1623 (Talk given at the Cape Ann Museum, November 17, 2012).

[2] Ackerman, Arthur W., June 1, 2007, Reverend John White of Dorchester, England, Dorchester Atheneum: http://www.dorchesteratheneum.org/page.php?id=917; Rose-Troup, Frances, 1930, John White: The Patriarch of Dorchester (Dorset) and the Founder of Massachusetts, 1575–1648 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons), and 1930, The Massachusetts Bay Company and Its Predecessors (New York: Grafton).

[3] Gray, Todd. 2012. Cape Ann Fishermen, the Pilgrims and England in 1623 (Talk given at the Cape Ann Museum, November 17, 2012). See also Fisheries in New England and in the Merrimack River, Early. Essex Institute Historical Collections 1: 73, 32: 196, and Fisheries of Gloucester, The, from the first catch by the English, in 1623, to the centennial year 1876. 1876. Gloucester, Mass: Proctor Brothers.

[4] Doyle, John Andrew, 1889, The English Colonies in America: Vol. 2 The Puritan Colonies (New York: H. Holt & Company); Records of the Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. From 1628 to 1641, in Volume I of the archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (1850): http://archive.org/details/recordsofcompany00mass. Francis Bremer, The Puritan Experiment: New England Society from Bradford to Edwards (1996); and Bremer and Webster, eds., Puritans and Puritanism in Europe and America: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia (2006).

[5] Russell, Michael, February 2012, Richard Bushrod (1576-1628), Haberdasher and Merchant Adventurer, http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/RichardBushrod1576.html; Russell, Michael, March 2009, Sir Walter Earle (Erle) 1586-1665, Knight of Charborough (Fordington): http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/SirWalterErle.html. Also:
Haven, Samuel F. 1869, History of grants under the Great Council of New England. Massachusetts Historical Society, Lowell Institute (Boston: Press of John Wilson and Son): https://archive.org/details/historygrantsun00instgoog.

[6] Council for New England Records 1622-1623, American Antiquarian Society folio Vol. C. http://www.americanantiquarian.org/Findingaids/council_for_new_england.pdf.

[7] Haven, Samuel F. 1869, History of grants under the Great Council of New England. Massachusetts Historical Society, Lowell Institute (Boston: Press of John Wilson and Son): https://archive.org/details/historygrantsun00instgoog. See the Sheffield Patent of 1623 at https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.03300100/. Thornton’s discussion of its provisions is on pages 31-37 of his 1854 history, The Landing at Cape Ann: or, The charter of the first permanent colony on the territory of the Massachusetts Company. John Babson’s retelling of Bradford’s “useless patent” begins on p. 34 of his History of the Town of Gloucester, Cape Ann, Including the Town of Rockport, 1860 (350th Anniversary Edition, 1972). Primary sources include Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 11, Series 4: 1-89 (1856, the unabridged Fulham manuscript with letters). See also Governor William Bradford’s Letter Book. Massachusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants, Boston  (1906).

[8] White, Rev. John, 1630, The Planter’s Plea (London: William Jones); also: John White’s Planter’s Plea, 1630, printed in facsimile with an introduction by Marshall H. Saville, The Sandy Bay Historical Society Publications Volume I (Rockport, MA, 1930).

[9] Russell, Michael. 2007, Members of the Dorchester Company 1624-1626. In Pilgrims of Fordington & Dorchester Dorset England: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~fordingtondorset/Files/FordingtonDorchesterCo2.html.

[10] Adams, Jr., Charles Francis. 1905, Wessagusset and Weymouth, Vol. 3, Weymouth Historical Society. Stewart, Marcia, ed. 1662. Phineas Pratt’s Account of Wessagusset Plantation. Boston, MA: The Winthrop Society: http://www.winthropsociety.com/doc_pratt.php.
Pratt, Phineas. 1662. A declaration of the affairs of the English people that first inhabited New England (about Wessagusset), in The Narrative of Phineas Pratt, The Pilgrim Hall Museum:

[11] Emigrant Ships Departing Weymouth: http://www.weymouth-dorset.co.uk/ships.html. See also: Hubbard, William. 1815. A General history of New England: from the discovery to 1680. Volume 5 of Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston, MA: Hilliard & Metcalf. See also Volume 1 of Alexander Young’s 1846 Chronicles of the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1623-1636, and Thornton, John Wingate. 1854. The Landing at Cape Ann: or, The charter of the first permanent colony on the territory of the Massachusetts Company. New York: Gould and Lincoln.

[12] Adams, Herbert B. The Fisher Plantation of Cape Anne, 1882. Part I of The Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem, Historical Collections of the Essex Institute: 19. (Salem, MA).
Webber, Carl and Winfield S. Nevins. 1877. Also Gardner, Frank A. 1907. Thomas Gardner, planter (Cape Ann, 1623-1626; Salem, 1626-1674) Essex Institute, Salem, MA.